Chapter 2 Women and Border Diversity By Christine Thurlow Brenner The U.S.-Mexico border is an area where people, economies, politics and place are intertwined in highly symbiotic relationships. It is at once the same and yet highly diverse. The paradox of place and the intersection of people in a border region is the focus of this chapter. Women are particularly impacted by life in the borderlands where transnational lifestyles, learning to balance traditional gender roles and the demands of economic provision for the home, and the unexpected role of community activism in order to secure more stable homes for their families thrust them into new roles in their families and communities. The dark side of the border – sexual exploitation via transnational trafficking of children and young women and domestic abuse – reveals the challenges women face, particularly those who enter the United States without legal documentation. This chapter highlights the both the opportunities and challenges in the lives of border women as seen through the lens of geography, population, place, politics and economics. The chapter begins with a discussion of the unique geography of the region and the differences in the population in border communities where many nations, states and cities meet. The next section turns to an overview of the intertwined economy of the borderlands and the types of employment options open to women. Politics is the focus of the fourth section of the chapter. Here I look at policy issues that impact the borderlands, including housing, sexual exploitation of women, illegal drug trade, and U.S. states’ attitudes towards immigrants. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the impact of border diversity on women of the borderlands.

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The U.S.-Mexico border winds through some of the harshest terrain in the desert southwest. It includes the high plateau of the Chihuahuan desert and large sections of the Sonoran desert. In Texas the once mighty Rio Grande, known as the Río Bravo in Mexico, forms the line of demarcation between the two nations, as shown in Figure 1. In other areas the delineation of the international line between the countries would be indiscernible without the construction of physical barriers, which were introduced to create obstacles to illegal entry of people and goods as well as to enhance border control. [Insert Figure 1 about here, located in Illustrations file] The present-day 1,900 mile border between United States and Mexico links the states of California and Baja California; Arizona and Sonora; New Mexico and Chihuahua; and, Texas, which also shares a border with Chihuahua, as well as Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulípas. With the exception of New Mexico, the U.S. states are substantially more populous than their Mexican neighbors, as shown in Table 1. [Insert Table 1 about here, located in illustrations file] The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848 had a major impact on cities and municipios (Mexican sub-national governments similar to U.S. counties) along the border. Establishment of the contemporary boundary line divided many communities. In some instances Mexicans suddenly found themselves living in American cities (e.g. Nuevo Laredo and Ojinaga), which ultimately lead many Mexicans to repatriate on the southern side of the border (Coronado and Padilla 2003). Those Mexicans who chose to stay in the United States maintained strong familial and economic ties across the border in their sister city.

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Fourteen twin or sister cities embrace the U.S.-Mexico border today, as shown in Table 2. They range in size from the San Diego-Tijuana area of 2.4 million people to the combined Nacos with a population of 6,203. One of the more interesting dynamics of place is that with the exception of sister cities of San Diego-Tijuana over two thirds or more of the sister cities’ population reside on the Mexican side of the border. [Inset Table 2 about here, in illustrations file] The poverty level in U.S. border cities significantly exceeds that of the states in which they reside, as shown in Figure 2. Yuma and San Diego stand as exceptions to the rule, as the numbers of persons living below the federal poverty level in those cities only slightly exceed that of Arizona and California. While lower standards of living characterize U.S. border communities, it is the Latino population that comprises the bulk of the population living in poverty. Conversely, the National Commission of Minimum Wages sets a higher minimum wage in Mexican border cities than in the rural areas of their states, $46.80 compared to $44.05, respectively (McBride 2005). In Mexico, it is the indigenous population that experiences higher poverty levels. [Insert Figure 2 about here, in Illustrations file] Today many nations meet in the borderlands. While we commonly refer to this area as the U.S.-Mexico border, Native American nations are often overlooked. The Tohono O’Odham Nation, the second largest Native American nation in the United States, is located in south central Arizona where 63 miles of the tribal border adjoins Mexico. Traditionally, tribal members have traveled freely between their lands in the United States and tribal holdings in Mexico. The much smaller Cocopah Nation, located adjacent to the Colorado

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River near Yuma, Arizona, comprises 9.4 square miles primarily used for agriculture (Economic Development Research Program 2004). In Texas, the Kickapoo nation represents another transnational tribe, with the majority of the Mexican Kickapoo residing in El Nacimiento, Coahuila, 130 miles southwest of Eagle Pass, Texas. Mexico and the United States permit the Kickapoo to seek employment in both nations, which allows them to cross the international border at will (Nunley 2002). El Paso is home to the other Texas Native American tribe.

While the

Tigua Indians of Ysleta del Sur Pueblo settled in the area in 1682, it was not until May 1967 that the Tiguas were officially recognized by the state of Texas. The approximately 2,000 tribal members currently occupy 26 acres of trust land (Wright 2004). Internationals from around the world have found the porous nature of the U.S.-Mexico border an attractive venue for unauthorized entry. Federal policy decisions often have major impacts on border cities and counties, but no where more so than in the area of immigration. The push factor of the prolonged five-year drought in central Mexico led many poorly educated subsistence farmers to immigrate to Mexican border cities lured by the hope of maquiladora or other employment in the fronteriza norte. The labor pool in Mexican border cities includes Mexicans, indigenous persons, and others from Central and South America. Cuidad Juárez has become a zone of transition for Eastern Europeans desiring to slip across the border into the United States.1 Asians who are attempting to traverse the borders without papers have found Calexico, California and other places in Baja California prime locations to cross. Mexican citizens have long been an important labor source for Americans. During World War II the United States established the Bracero

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program that permitted American farmers to hire Mexican laborers to help with the planting and harvest seasons. When the program officially ended in 1964, the need for cheap labor did not (Calavita 1992). Today “the growing polarization of the labor market has created a mounting demand for Mexican workers to fill the bottom layers in agriculture, deskilled assembly, and above all services” as well as largely unskilled construction positions (Rouse 2004, 29). Transnational circuits between predominantly rural Mexican villages and U.S. communities flow through the border zone (Rouse 2004.) Mexican women know the bittersweet lure of the northern border. Left behind as their husbands, brothers and fathers seek employment, they become, in effect, single mothers. The economic sustenance of families is highly dependent on remittances sent by both male and female family members who are employed elsewhere in Mexico or abroad. Mexican citizens living abroad sent an estimated $13 billion home annually in 2004, representing the “third largest source of foreign reserves [in Mexico] after trade and tourism” (Sifuentes 2004b, Orrenius 2001). Migradollars, or remittances, which average $235 per remittance, have been linked to lower infant mortality rates in Mexico, as the money helps provide healthcare and better nutrition for pregnant women (Kanaiaupuni and Donato 1999; Sifuentes 2004a). Women also emigrate, usually after male family members have established work, young wives and older daughters first, followed later by older wives and young girls (Cornelius 2001). In addition to family stage migration, HondagneuSotelo (1994) also notes instances of intact family unit migration and the independent migration of women, which Mattingly (2001) confirms in the case of female domestic service workers. Remote desert areas near Columbus, New Mexico, rural south Texas and Sasabe, Arizona, considered the busiest area for undocumented crossing, are

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staging areas for transit. Major human smuggling rings developed to transport the undocumented in vans, in containers hauled by eighteen wheel semi-trucks and by train. Dehydration, hyperthermia, suffocation and often death can occur during transit to the States (Associated Press 2004c; Eschbach, Hagan and Rodriquez 2003). Cornelius suggests that “forcing a substantially larger Mexico-to-U.S. migratory flow, containing a higher proportion of economically desperate people, to detour around the concentrated border environment operations now in place (with others possibly to be added) would inevitably increase border-crossing deaths” (2001, 680). Repatriation of deceased foreign transients can run into the thousands of dollars based on the weight of the body and distance it is being shipped, placing an enormous financial burden on women and their families, who want to bring their loved ones home for burial (Hansen 2004). In the next section we will consider the economic linkages in the borderlands and employment options available to women. Economy There is a transnational influence on the lives of many people living in the borderlands. American maquiladora (twin plant) managers use their dedicated commuter lane passes to cross daily into Mexico for business. U.S. tourists enjoy the shopping in open-air mercados (markets) and dining on Mexican cuisine. U.S. residents without insurance will also seek medical and dental attention in Mexican border cities because of the reduced fees. Senior citizens and others are drawn across the border because of reduced pharmaceutical prices and the fact that many prescription drugs are available without doctor’s orders in Mexico. Mexicans cross to shop in American malls and downtown businesses that cater to border crossers. Others sojourn daily for jobs as domestics, gardeners and construction workers. Some people have

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family living on both sides of the international boundary. Approximately four million Mexican citizens hold the new laser visas, called micas, which allow them to cross into the United States for up to 72 hours as long as they stay within 25 miles of the border.2 These biometric cards facilitate legal movement in the border while meeting the advanced security scrutiny necessary after September 11, 2001. Historically the economies of Mexico and the United States were closely intertwined in the borderlands. Internal migration patterns developed to bring a steady stream of laborers from rural central Mexico to the northern border. When the Bracero program ended in 1964, fears of massive repatriation of seasonal farm laborers to border cities led Mexico to expand industrial development under the new Border Industrialization Program, which authorized foreign-owned firms to operate duty-free along the U.S. border (GOA 2003). Simultaneously, the United States changed its tariff rules permitting partially assembled goods with American components to enter the United States for finishing. These two actions established the perfect environment for twin plants to develop. Employment in the border maquiladora industries grew rapidly from 1990 through 2000; however, the downturn in the U.S. economy had negative spillover impacts on the industries. The paradox of the maquiladora employment is that as conditions and pay increased, compared with other areas in Mexico, industry owners began to explore lower labor costs in other countries. By 2002, many Mexican border communities had lost nearly one-third of maquiladora employment as jobs moved to China, Central America and the Caribbean (GAO 2003). In terms of women’s employment, “the maquiladora industry has provided important outlets for alternative work in the formal sector to a particular

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slice of the population: young women, whose alternative work options would have been agriculture, domestic service or small sales in the informal sector” (Peña 2000, 128). In many ways this work has increased the personal freedoms rural women who migrated to industrialized urban areas experience. Shift work, while tedious and demanding, is over when the work day is done as compared to agricultural fieldwork or the 24/7 service demands of live-in domestics (Peña 2000; Pisani and Yoskowitz 2002). Female workers initially dominated the unskilled, low-wage production jobs in the maquiladora industries. In Mexico women can legally begin working on the assembly line at age 15; however, many girls as young as 11 or 12 purchase forged documents to gain employment access at even younger ages (Staudt 1998). More recent hiring practices placed greater regard for more mature married women.3 The high training costs associated high employee turnover rates spawned exploitive employment practices targeting women. Mandatory pre-employment pregnancy testing as a condition of employment and post-employment pregnancy firings, while technically illegal under Mexican law, have been documented by non-profit organizations (Human Rights Watch 1996). Practices such as requiring an employee to show her soiled sanitary napkin as proof she is not pregnant, are degrading to women. The unfortunate disregard for constitutional and legal protection for women by the maquiladora industries and the blind-eye shown by the Mexican government has placed women at the mercy of pregnancy-based sex discrimination (Staudt and Coronado 2002; Human Rights Watch 1996; U.S. National Administrative Office 1998). Some women, angered by oppressive labor practices in the maquiladoras, are empowered to take action. One example is Martha Ojeda, executive director of the Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras (CJM). She was nominated as

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union president at Sony’s Nuevo Laredo plant in 1992 and all her union supporters were immediately fired. Officials in Mexico City, unwilling to accept the actual results, declared her opponent the winner. Workers, furious with the results, blockaded the plant. Three days later the women were beaten and dispersed by plant guards and local police. Ojeda became the first Mexican to head the CJM, the organization that brought the first labor dispute filed under NAFTA’s labor accord. (Bacon 2000).4 Border employment is also difficult for well-educated women. Chronic under-employment and unemployment means women often cannot work in their field, or they are paid less than their skills are worth. Young collegeeducated border women find themselves looking beyond the border region for the best career options, resulting in a pink brain drain. Interestingly, as these young career women marry and begin raising their own children, the lure of family ties often draws them back to the border region. Domestic employment provides workforce opportunities for women willing to embrace a transnational lifestyle. The economic pull of good wages, relative to Mexico, and the push of limited, low-wage employment options for women in Mexican border cities work together to make U.S. domestic service, as either a day or live-in maid, a viable workforce choice (Mattingly 2001; Pisani and Yoskowitz 2002). In addition, American employers often have little regard for the immigration status of their maids; however, there is a wage penalty for domestic workers who lack legal documentation to be in the United States. Clean houses, folded laundry, and loving childcare trump micas or green cards in many instances. Pisani and Yoskowitz (2002) find that day maids command higher wages ($3.44 per day) and better working hours and conditions than live-in maids, whose daily wage rate averages $2.61. Staudt and Coronado (2002) also find positive spillover effects for maids, which may

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include access to financial loans from their employers, food, clothes and in some cases money to help educate their children. Mattingly (2001, 384) also notes that “the reliance of relatively affluent [U.S.] households on paid caring labor is made possible by the presence of immigrant women and encourages their continued migration.” On the American side of the border, beginning in the late 1980s seamstresses working in Levi Strauss and Company and other garment industries lost their jobs, when the apparel manufacturers moved south of the border in search of cheap labor. The displaced workers were primarily female, frequently single heads of households who often had less than a ninth grade education supporting three to four children (Brenner 2002). La Mujer Obrera (The Woman Worker) in El Paso was one group that organized to advocate for the re-training and welfare needs of the displaced workers. Known in the early 1980s for using Saul Alinsky-style grassroots community organizing and advocacy, its non-profit offshoot, El Puente (The Bridge) which was founded in 1997, operates a restaurant, mercado and daycare center, which employ displaced workers, as well as offering workforce training in their community technology center and low income housing. Women along the border often engage in the informal economy, trading services with each other for child care or transportation and selling crafts or food that they produce at home. Items may be sold from their home or at local placitas or flea markets. Some import items from Mexico, like candy or pharmaceuticals, which are offered for resale in the States (Godines and McKim 2004). This has been problematic not only for health concerns about lead-laced sweets but also the illegality of dispensing medicine without license (McKim and Sharon 2004). Although they often feel they do not participate in the job market because they do not receive a paycheck, their

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contributions to total household income are important for low income families (Brenner and Coronado 2004; Staudt 1998). Women have always been workers contributing to the economic viability of their households. Whether they function in the formal labor market or the informal economy or simply barter services with others, the nurturing role of women influences their economic roles. Women also serve as the primary consumers for their households as they seek to clothe, feed and educate themselves and their families. There is a dynamic tension in the daily lives of women. Employment, the support of other women, and a strong survival drive to provide for loved ones propels women into an empowered social position. Meanwhile, oppressive labor practices, employment opportunities that are reduced by either by women’s lack of educational attainment or the availability of positions that allow them to use their educational skills, and the constraints of traditional patriarchal household arrangements conspire to keep women in subservient positions. The following section considers the impact of the border political environment on the lives of women. Politics Identifying issues as strictly border concerns can be a double-edged sword. Certainly there are many concerns unique to a border community; however, such characterization can be an obstacle to legislators who are trying to muster enough votes for border-specific legislation. U.S. border cities such as El Paso, Brownsville and Laredo are often confronted with issues that are actually urban concerns, and that could be used as bases for coalition building with places like Dallas and Houston, although that political tactic is not always explored. Similarly, Mexican border cities have experienced marginalization due to their distance from Mexico City, yet

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that very remoteness created opportunities for opposition political parties to capture mayoral elections. This section, rather than exploring formal electoral and political patterns, focuses on the political environment that contributes to women’s oppression and empowerment. Through the discussion of women’s activism in housing and industrial employment we see the empowerment of women in their every day lives. The darker side of oppression is revealed through exploration of the sexual exploitation border women must confront. Housing and Women’s Activism Housing is an arena where women are politically active. Throughout the region colonias developed to meet the need of affordable housing for low income persons. Housing is often constructed of found materials on inexpensive land of little value, usually on the outskirts of a city that is either purchased through contract deed or simply settled by people needing a place to live. In Mexico, colonias populares, or slums, developed in urban border areas, as well as adjacent to major urban areas in the interior of the country. These are “‘self-help’ settlements where families build their own houses on land that is acquired illegally, but subsequently regularized through government legalization programmes providing title for the occupants” (Varley and Blasco 2000, 1). It is the women of the community who provide the informal leadership for most colonias. Because their lives reflect traditional gender roles with the male as primary provider and woman as keeper of the home and hearth, women have the time to organize (Dolhinow this volume, Ward 2004). They often lead grassroots efforts to bring water and other basic needs to the colonias in an effort to improve their families’ lives.

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As in the colonias north of the border, women play key roles in negotiating daily life in the Mexican colonias populares. Guttman (1999) finds that “the significant relationship between popular political culture [in Mexico] and the emergence of grassroots feminism in social movements and daily life in colonias populares…provides the historical context in which…women in the neighborhood have increasingly played the role of catalysts in the transformation of popular political culture generally.” Furthermore, it is often the woman of the household who saves from her household money or constantly urges her husband to purchase property and obtain the highly-prized title deed (Varley and Blasco 2000).5 Women may be more vulnerable to losing their homes in Mexico than in the United States, as decisions about whose name the title deed is registered in can create ownership issues if a married woman is widowed or divorced. Mexican civil law varies among the states, as in the United States; however, the Mexican court’s tradition is one of favoring the man in issues of land ownership (Varley and Blasco 2000). In the United States, the courts lean in the opposite direction, often deciding in favor of a woman, especially if she has children. Sexual Exploitation of Women For many women the border region becomes an unhealthy environment in which the sexual exploitation thrives. Migrant families without strong local familial ties have reduced resources for coping with marital and financial stress. Domestic violence is prevalent both north and south of the international boundary (Salinas 2004). Traditional patriarchal social mores, financial dependence on men and women’s fears of speaking out because of their residency status often conspire to keep women in oppressive situations (National Latino Alliance for the Elimination of Domestic Violence 2001).

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Young women living in the border region are often invisible and by extension disposable. In Cuidad Juárez, over 300 young women have been viciously murdered in the past eleven years, crimes that tragically remain unsolved (NPR 2003). Most were maquiladora workers who migrated to Mexico’s northern border to escape the poverty of their rural villages. Street light poles throughout Cuidad Juárez are painted with pink rectangles that outline a black cross as a somber reminder of the disappeared. The cry of ¡Ni una más! (Not one more!) focused international attention on this border community, as organizations as diverse as Amnesty International and grassroots associations of family members, especially mothers, who have lost loved ones, have combined forces to seek answers for these heartbreaking crimes. One theory, advanced by an experienced bi-national journalist Diana Washington Valdez, is that the young sons of the Juárez drug cartel are behind the crimes, using the women for their pleasure and then disposing of them in the Chihuahuan desert (Valdez 2004).6 Sex trafficking of women and young girls, seen throughout the borderlands and extending into the interior of the United States, is a definite problem (McDonald 2004; U.S. Dept. of Justice 2004; U.S. Dept. of State 2004). Often lured into the United States with the promise of domestic work, women are forced to work in brothels fearing reprisals on the family members they left behind. “We’re talking severe trauma…having the mind-set of being a slave in fear of their life. Being threatened and threatening the lives of their families. They are slaves and that mentality is a common occurrence” (Sifuentes 2004a). A culture of corruption on both sides of the border emboldens those who seek to abuse and oppress women. The undocumented status of many women in the United States leaves them vulnerable to exploitation. In Mexico, the recent

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rise of sex tourism is facilitated by Internet-based promotions of erotic vacations; however, some communities like Tijuana were havens for vice since the 1920s (Lopez-Estrada 1998; Shirk and Webber 2004). Commercial sexual exploitation includes pedophilia, abuse that touches the lives of approximately 16,000 children and the sale of infants and young children. The border proximity and the juxtaposition of women living in poverty with the relative wealth of the sex tourists continue to feed this darker side of the border life; however, Lopez-Estrada (1998) does note that some sex workers are organizing both to protect themselves and their urban space. Illegal Drug Trade Another major challenge facing Mexico and United States is the highly lucrative drug trade. Narco-violence can take the form of kidnapping and murder on both sides of the border. Forced home invasions in south Texas, extortion of protection money, rival gang killings in Cuidad Juárez, money laundering and a maze of border tunnels are all evidence of the drug cartels’ presence (Cearley 2004; Getty 2004). Scandals involving Mexican police, at the local, state and federal level, where almost 500 officers have been fired or suspended, as well as corruption in the U.S. Customs Service and Immigration and Naturalization Service, who open an average of 53 new cases a year against agents, create a climate that makes winning the war on drugs difficult, if not impossible (Burnett 2002; Corchado and Sandoval 2004). Women’s activism through groups such as the International Association of Relatives and Friends of Disappeared Persons (El Paso-Cuidad Juárez) and Esperanza Association (Baja California) presses their belief that the fathers, husbands and brothers who have vanished are victims of narcoviolence. Their protests and appeals to the international humanitarian

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community are designed to bring pressure on the Mexican government to solve the crimes of the disappeared. U.S. State Attitudes towards Immigrants and the Impact on Women American attitudes and state-level policy initiatives have varied across the four border states. California and Arizona have pursued policies that are oppressive and restrictive in nature while Texas and New Mexico have tried to find ways to empower Latinos, regardless of their residency status. The 1994 passage of California’s Proposition 187 denied healthcare, welfare and some education benefits to undocumented immigrants. Nativism and the rhetoric of xenophobia characterized the majority attitudes of the state at the time, even though the courts eventually found most of the provisions unconstitutional (Ono and Sloop 2002). Chang (2000, 11) suggests that such legislation effectively “capture[s] the labor of immigrant men and women separate from their human needs or those of their dependents.” However, Mattingly (2004, 144) notes that “the kind of labor ‘captured’ from men and women is different; immigrant women are often employed providing caring labor (childcare, elder care, housekeeping) for citizen families.” The pursuit of this kind of female labor extracts an additional cost as well, that of providing childcare for immigrants’ own children, a cost that previous to Proposition 187 might be deferred for women living in poverty through social welfare benefits. California has also pursued an English-only policy with regards to the elementary and secondary education of immigrant children, making native language maintenance more difficult for women who want to raise bilingual children. Arizona has also taken a more negative view of immigration focusing on the costs incurred by border counties (Salant et al. 2001). Vigilantism aimed at undocumented foreign migrants is prevalent on ranchlands along the

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Arizona’s Sonora desert border as the migrant flow is channeled into remote areas in response to heightened enforcement in urban areas (Garcia 2000; Gonzales 2003). While a number of non-profit and faith-based organizations are working to change prevailing attitudes, anti-immigrant sentiment is strong in both states. Texans recognized the importance of the co-joined border economies. The invitation of the governors of all four neighboring Mexican states to attend former governor Bush’s inauguration in 1994 was a symbolic recognition of their mutual concern for the borderlands. The research of state demographer Steve Murdoch of Texas A & M University was highly influential among legislators and other administrators crafting the state’s policies towards Latinos. Mirroring the perspective of most longtime Latino residents, Murdoch helped Texans understand that their certain future as a poorer, less educated state could only be avoided by addressing the educational, health, workforce development and other needs of the Latino community (Murdoch et al. 1997). A case study of El Paso, Texas underscores the lack of attention to Latinos’ educational attainment as a primary factor in the decreasing economic vitality of the region from 1950 to 2000 (Brenner 2001). Under current governor Rick Perry, Texas legislation was passed that allows undocumented U.S. high school graduates to enter Texas institutions of higher education. California’s policy appears to be changing with the passage of similar legislation three years. New Mexico has traditionally been seen as the most accommodating in its relationship with Mexico. In the northern portion of the state, U.S. citizens of Mexican descent can trace their roots back hundreds of years, as many in California do also. In southern New Mexico, most of the Mexicans living in the state are recent immigrants working in New Mexico’s farming industry. New

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Mexico is the only state in United States to have a Hispanic governor, democrat Bill Richardson and was also the first state to recognize matricula consulares issued by the Mexican government as an official form of identification for Mexican citizens living abroad. This document can be used to open bank accounts or obtain a drivers’ license in New Mexico as well as in neighboring Texas. Today intergovernmental agreements between the communities reflect the supportive nature of the sister cities’ relationship. For example, Columbus, New Mexico provides emergency fire service to Las Palomas, and in Texas, the El Paso Fire Department and private ambulances responded to 1,322 medical calls at international ports-of-entry in 2003, often accepting transfers from UMAM, a private ambulance transport from Cuidad Juárez (Gilot 2004). On a broader border-wide basis, trans-boundary management of environmental resources, such as air and water, are critical to the growth and survival of the sister cities. Places are also joined through the formation of binational organizations like the Southwest Center for Environmental Research and Policy, and the U.S.-Mexico Border Health Commission, which focus on specific policy issues impacting both sides of the international border. Conclusion The geography of the border impacts the lives and relationships of people living along the international boundary. In areas where terrain and bridges combine to give easy access for transnational residents, whose lives flow freely back and forth for business and pleasure, they maintain a strong sense of the connectedness with people and place. In the more forbidding remote deserts and mountainous areas, geography flaunts the lines humans try to impose where nations meet.

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The diversity of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands is what gives it the richness and texture that is so compelling to those who call it home. The interplay of people, place, politics, and economics has created a milieu that is viewed as a unique fronteriza by both national governments. This challenges border residents to help interpret their life experiences to policy makers in Mexico City and Washington D.C. as well as Sacramento, Phoenix, Santa Fe, Austin, Chihuahua City, Mexicali, Saltillo, Cuidad Victoria and Monterrey. Life in the borderlands is hard for women. Acceptance of traditional gender roles limits choices, while pursuit of higher education opens the door for a different future. The high cultural value placed on the family strengthens the importance of women’s roles but can be constricting as well. The prevalence of violence against and exploitation of women is troubling. Lower divorce rates speak to the integrity of family, but can mask a darker side of life fraught with domestic violence for women. The low wage structure of most border communities leaves few options for women. Educational attainment offers the best promise for women who want to craft a better future for their families. The new generation of collegeeducated Latinas will be change agents working alongside those women of humble means and limited education who are striving daily for a better life in their community by challenging existing political structures to gain water, sewer and electricity for their homes. The power to harness the diversity of the border is nurtured in the homes and families these women represent. Furthermore, it is women who assume the primary role in transmitting culture to subsequent generations. Border places, long marginalized by U.S. and Mexican national and state politics, are co-joined economic entities. People, raised with a bi-national, bi-

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cultural consciousness of the paradoxes, are best positioned to interpret and cultivate the future of the borderlands.

Notes. Chapter 2: Women and Border Diversity, By Christine Thurlow Brenner 1. Dr. Tony Kruschevsky, political science professor at the University of Texas at El Paso, describes seeing a travel poster for Cuidad Juárez while traveling in Poland. His wife, June, often acted as translator for the U.S. Border Patrol when Russians and Poles were apprehended for illegal entry into the United States. 2. The exception to the 25 mile crossing limit is in Arizona, where border crossing card holders can travel to Tucson, which is 65 miles from the international border. 3. Susan Tiano’s chapter explores in greater depth the changing gender composition of the maquila workforce and subsequent marginalization of women. 4. Ana Bergareche’s chapter provides a more extensive discussion of the role of gender solidarity, activism and autonomous self-development among female maquiladora employees. 5. Rebecca Dolhinow’s chapter explores in greater depth Mexican women’s activism in colonias along the U.S.–Mexico border. 6. The police suspect at least 100 of the deaths are the work of serial killers. Locally, the Coalition on Violence Against Women and Their Families on the Border, an El Paso-based group of family members, academic activists like Drs. Emma Perez, Irasema Coronado, and Kathleen Staudt, and communitybased

organizations

work

to

keep

the

issue

in

the

press

and

to

bring

political pressure on politicians. Texas Governor Rick Perry’s wife, herself a nurse, met with the group and is an advocate for resolution of the crimes.

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In Los Angeles, Viejaskandalosas, an association of artists, writers, and others which developed an advocacy network in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California, is representative of women’s groups in other places that are concerned about the deaths and disappearance of young girls in Cuidad Juárez.

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Source: United States General Accounting Office. U.S. Mexico Border: Despite Some Progress Environmental Infrastructure Challenges Remain. March 2000.

Percentage ofHouseholds Below Poverty

Figure 2 Percentage of Households Living Below the Poverty Level in U.S. border Cities and State, 1999

60 50 40 30 20 10 0

TX TX TX XAS AZ ONA CA CA NIA NM ICO TX TX TX TX Z co go OR us EX le io ss so do en io TE I R xi i e IF m b e ll i d R Pa P a M il r A Y N a g l W L g u u v D La McA res le CA Col NE wns De gle El No Do P Ca Sa n a o E Br U.S. Cities and States Source: U.S. Bureau of Census, Summary File 3 AZ

s la

o ac

AZ

s le

AZ

a um

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Table 1 Adjacent States in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region, 2000

U.S. State California Arizona New Mexico Texas

U.S. Population 33,871,648 5,130,632 1,819,046 20,851,820

Mexican State Mexican Population Baja California 2,487,367 Sonora 2,216,969 Chihuahua 3,052,907 Chihuahua 3,052,907 Coahuila de Zaragosa 2,298,070 Nuevo León 3,834,141 Tamaulípas 2,753,222 Source: U.S. Bureau of Census and Instituto Nacional de Estadística GeografÍa e Informática

Table 2 Sister Cities in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region, 2000

U.S. City San Diego Calexico Yuma Nogales Naco Douglas Columbus El Paso Presidio Del Rio Eagle Pass Laredo McAllen Brownsville Border Total

U.S. Population 1,223,400 27,109 77,515 20,878 833 14,312 1,765 563,662 4,167 33,867 22,413 176,576 106,414 139,722 2,412,633

U.S. Population as Percent of Municipal Region 50.3 3.4 34.8 11.6 13.4 18.8 n/a 31.6 14.6 23.5 14.9 36.2 20.2 25.0 32.6

Mexican City Tijuana Mexicalli San Luis Río Colorado Nogales Naco Agua Prieta Las Palomas Cuidad Juárez Ojinaga Cuidad Acuña Piedras Negras Nuevo Laredo Reynosa Matamoras Border Total

Mexican Population 1,210,820 764,602 145,006 159,787 5,370 61,944 n/a 1,218,817 24,307 110,487 128,130 310,915 420,463 418,141 4,978,789

Mexican Population as Percent of Municipal Region 49.7 96.6 65.2 88.4 86.6 81.2 n/a 68.4 85.4 76.5 85.1 63.8 79.8 75.0 67.4

Source: U.S. Bureau of Census and Instituto Nacional de Estadística GeografÍa e Informática

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